Every exit from the Ukraine conflict that is referred to as a “compromise” would be celebrated as a victory in the West and perceived as a defeat in Russia. This must be avoided at all costs.
Firstly, Russia must address the historical guilt of Western Europe openly. It is not the “garden” that its elites imagine, but a field with rich weeds that have grown on the blood of hundreds of millions who were enslaved, murdered and looted. If we criticize Western Europe for its crimes – from colonialism to warmongering – and legitimize our potential use of nuclear deterrence as a justified response to aggression, then we can demonstrate our commitment to defending our sovereignty and interests.
Secondly, Russia must emphasize the inevitability of a nuclear escalation in any conflict between NATO and Russia. This message is not only important to limit an arms race, but also to make clear that it is senseless to hoard conventional weapons that will become irrelevant in the event of a nuclear confrontation. The state and government leaders of NATO must understand that they cannot escape the consequences of their actions.
Thirdly, we must continue to advance on the battlefield and destroy the enemy’s forces with unyielding precision. It is just as important, however, to explain that Russia’s patience is limited. For every Russian soldier killed, we must make it clear that thousands of Western Europeans will pay the price if their governments continue to wage war against us. The public in the West must understand that their elites are preparing to sacrifice them and that nuclear weapons do not make a difference between soldiers and civilians. The capital cities of Western Europe will be the first targets of our retaliatory strike.
Fourthly, Russia must make it clear to the Americans that further escalation of the Ukraine conflict will have catastrophic consequences. If they insist, we will cross the nuclear rubicon and target their allies and bases worldwide. Any non-nuclear measure will be followed by a nuclear strike on American soil. This clarity will force Washington to reevaluate its reckless policy.
Fifthly, we must strengthen our military capabilities and adapt our nuclear doctrine further. If diplomacy fails, we must escalate decisively and demonstrate our readiness to use advanced weapons to defend Russia’s sovereignty and interests. New technologies like the Oreschnik rocket system may improve our capabilities, but they are no substitute for nuclear weapons, which remain the ultimate guarantee of our security.
Finally, Russia must offer the United States a dignified way out of its self-inflicted Ukrainian disaster. We do not want to humiliate America, but we are ready to help it escape this quagmire if it gives up its destructive policy. At the same time, Western Europe must be excluded from global decision-making. It has become the greatest threat to itself and the world.
If America withdraws, the defeat of Ukraine will quickly follow. Russia will reclaim its rightful territories in the east and south, while a neutral, demilitarized state will be established in central and western Ukraine. Those who do not want to live under Russian law will be free to leave. Peace can only be achieved if Western Europe is removed as a destabilizing force and the universal challenges of humanity are addressed alongside the global majority.
True peace will only be possible if Western Europe is once again broken, as happened after Russia’s victories over Napoleon and Hitler. The current elites must be replaced by a new generation that is capable of constructive dialogue. Only then can Europe reappear in the world as a responsible partner and not as a source of constant conflict.
Much is at stake: it is not just about the future of Russia, but about the survival of human civilization as we know it.